Difference between revisions of "Inflectional Verbal Morphology"
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Extensions |
Extensions |
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+ | Tense |
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− | Past |
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− | Future |
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Past imperfect |
Past imperfect |
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Finiteness |
Finiteness |
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− | AX |
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Object |
Object |
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− | [[# |
+ | [[#The copula -xe|-xe]] <br> |
[[#The auxiliaries xan, fat, and bar|xan, fat, bar]] <br> |
[[#The auxiliaries xan, fat, and bar|xan, fat, bar]] <br> |
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[[#The auxiliary kaa|kaa]] <br> |
[[#The auxiliary kaa|kaa]] <br> |
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[[Derivational Verbal Morphology|many]] |
[[Derivational Verbal Morphology|many]] |
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| style="border-style: solid; border-width: 1px"| |
| style="border-style: solid; border-width: 1px"| |
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− | [[#Tense and aspect|-']] |
+ | [[#Tense and aspect|-', -k]] |
− | | style="border-style: solid; border-width: 1px"| |
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− | [[#Tense and aspect|-k]] |
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| style="border-style: solid; border-width: 1px"| |
| style="border-style: solid; border-width: 1px"| |
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[[#Tense and aspect|-eeg]] |
[[#Tense and aspect|-eeg]] |
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[[#Non-finite forms|-aa]] |
[[#Non-finite forms|-aa]] |
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| style="border-style: solid; border-width: 1px"| |
| style="border-style: solid; border-width: 1px"| |
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− | [[#Object Marking|- |
+ | [[#Object Marking|-aam/-xam <br> |
− | | style="border-style: solid; border-width: 1px"| |
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− | [[#Object Marking|-(a)am <br> |
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-(o)ng <br> |
-(o)ng <br> |
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-(i)n]] |
-(i)n]] |
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|} |
|} |
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+ | |||
+ | [[#Verb Paradigm]] |
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==Subject Marking== |
==Subject Marking== |
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| 1SG || -(u)m || 1PL || i= |
| 1SG || -(u)m || 1PL || i= |
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|- |
|- |
||
− | | 2SG || -o |
+ | | 2SG || -(o) || 2PL || nu= |
|- |
|- |
||
| 3SG || a= || 3PL || a= |
| 3SG || a= || 3PL || a= |
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|- |
|- |
||
|} |
|} |
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+ | |||
+ | The vowels of the 1st and 2nd singular subject suffixes are assimilated to a preceding vowel (specifically the 'default vowel' ''-a'' and the passive ''-e''), yielding a long vowel. |
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===Strong marking=== |
===Strong marking=== |
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Line 191: | Line 187: | ||
==Finiteness== |
==Finiteness== |
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− | Verb forms are either finite or non-finite. A verb form is finite if it contains one of four morphemes: the "default vowel" ''-a'', the extraction marker ''-u'', the passive suffix ''-e'', or the negative suffix ''-eer'' (or any of their allomorphs). The "default vowel" (glossed DV) appears in a variety of finite verb forms, and caries no consistent semantic information other than finiteness. It has an allomorph ''-aa'' when immediately preceding |
+ | Verb forms are either finite or non-finite. A verb form is finite if it contains one of four morphemes: the "default vowel" ''-a'', the extraction marker ''-u'', the passive suffix ''-e'', or the negative suffix ''-eer'' (or any of their allomorphs). The "default vowel" (glossed DV) appears in a variety of finite verb forms, and caries no consistent semantic information other than finiteness. It has an allomorph ''-aa'' when immediately preceding a vowel-intial suffix (specifically ''-um'' "1s subject", ''-o'' "2s subject ''-in'' "3s object", and ''ong'' "2s object"), due to the assimilation of these vowels to the preceding ''-a''. |
===Non-finite forms=== |
===Non-finite forms=== |
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| '''1''' || falaam || i mbala || '''1''' || faliim || i mbalee(r) |
| '''1''' || falaam || i mbala || '''1''' || faliim || i mbalee(r) |
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|- |
|- |
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− | | '''2''' || |
+ | | '''2''' || falaa || nu mbala || '''2''' || faliro || nu mbalee(r) |
|- |
|- |
||
| '''3''' || a fala || a mbala || '''3''' || falee(r) || mbalee(r) |
| '''3''' || a fala || a mbala || '''3''' || falee(r) || mbalee(r) |
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==Object Marking== |
==Object Marking== |
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− | Incorporated object pronouns ("object markers") exist as |
+ | Incorporated object pronouns ("object markers") exist as suffixes for singular objects. These suffixes directly precede the subject suffix, if one present. |
− | The first person singular object marker is ''- |
+ | The first person singular object marker is ''-aam'' after a consonant and ''-xam'' after a vowel. |
:{| class="wikitable" cellpadding="4" style="border: 1px solid black;" |
:{| class="wikitable" cellpadding="4" style="border: 1px solid black;" |
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− | The second person singular object marker is ''-(o)ng''. |
+ | The second person singular object marker is ''-(o)ng''. The form that appears with a 1st singular subject and 2nd singular object (''-aaxong'') is idiosyncratic. |
:{| class="wikitable" cellpadding="4" style="border: 1px solid black;" |
:{| class="wikitable" cellpadding="4" style="border: 1px solid black;" |
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|} |
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− | These free pronouns can be used in either object or subject position. When used as a subject, they do '''not''' take the place of the subject agreement clitic or suffix, as these are truly agreement markers. When used as an object, these free pronouns '''do''' take the place of the object markers, as the object markers are truly incorporated pronouns. Use of a free pronoun is the only way to express a plural pronominal object. For singular objects, |
+ | These free pronouns can be used in either object or subject position. When used as a subject, they do '''not''' take the place of the subject agreement clitic or suffix, as these are truly agreement markers. When used as an object, these free pronouns '''do''' take the place of the object markers, as the object markers are truly incorporated pronouns. Use of a free pronoun is the only way to express a plural pronominal object. For singular objects, if there is only one object, the object suffix must be used. When there are multiple singular objects, one must be represented as an object suffix and the rest must be free pronouns. |
===Reflexives=== |
===Reflexives=== |
||
− | Reflexivity is indicated by use of the noun ''xoox'' (sg.) ''qoox'' (pl.) "head/self," along with the appropriate possessor (possessive adjective for a singular participant, free pronoun in genitive position for a plural participant). |
+ | Reflexivity is indicated by use of the noun ''xoox'' (sg.) ''a qoox'' (pl.) "head/self," along with the appropriate possessor (possessive adjective for a singular participant, free pronoun in genitive position for a plural participant). It is in general preceded by the animate object marking preposition ''a''. |
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! Gloss !! Sereer !! Gloss !! Sereer |
! Gloss !! Sereer !! Gloss !! Sereer |
||
|- |
|- |
||
− | | 1SG || xoox |
+ | | 1SG || xoox es || 1PL || a qoox 'in |
|- |
|- |
||
− | | 2SG || xoox of || 2PL || qoox nuun |
+ | | 2SG || xoox of || 2PL || a qoox nuun |
|- |
|- |
||
− | | 3SG || xoox um || 3PL || qoox den |
+ | | 3SG || xoox um || 3PL || a qoox den |
|- |
|- |
||
|} |
|} |
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− | |||
− | These reflexive pronouns are generally preceded by the differential object marking preposition ''a'', unless for some reason the participant is inanimate. |
||
===Position of object pronouns=== |
===Position of object pronouns=== |
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<gl fontsize=12> |
<gl fontsize=12> |
||
bugaaxong o war |
bugaaxong o war |
||
− | \gll bug- |
+ | \gll bug-aaxong o war |
− | want-DV |
+ | want-DV.1s.sub+2s.obj INF kill |
\trans I want to kill you. |
\trans I want to kill you. |
||
</gl> |
</gl> |
||
<gl fontsize=12> |
<gl fontsize=12> |
||
− | + | ɓaataa (o) foon a 'in |
|
− | \gll ɓaat-a o foon a 'in |
+ | \gll ɓaat-a-o o foon a 'in |
− | add-2s INF kiss OBJ 1p |
+ | add-DV-2s INF kiss OBJ 1p |
\trans You kiss us again. |
\trans You kiss us again. |
||
</gl> |
</gl> |
||
<gl fontsize=12> |
<gl fontsize=12> |
||
− | + | ɓaataa (a) 'in o foon |
|
− | \gll ɓaat-a (a) 'in o foon |
+ | \gll ɓaat-a-o (a) 'in o foon |
− | add-2s obj 1pl INF kiss |
+ | add-DV-2s obj 1pl INF kiss |
\trans You kiss us again. |
\trans You kiss us again. |
||
+ | </gl> |
||
+ | |||
+ | This pattern of "object shift" is also attested with the verbs ''faañ'' 'refuse', ''weec'' 'forget', and ''waag'' 'know how to, be able to'. Examples are shown below: |
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+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a waaga o ñaamin |
||
+ | \gll a waag-a o ñaam-in |
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+ | 3 know.how-DV INF eat-3s.obj |
||
+ | \trans He knows how to eat it. |
||
+ | </gl> |
||
+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a waagaan o ñaam |
||
+ | \gll a waag-aa-n o ñaam |
||
+ | 3 know.how-DV-3s.obj INF eat |
||
+ | \trans He knows how to eat it. |
||
+ | </gl> |
||
+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a weeca (o) foonong |
||
+ | \gll a weec-a o foon-ong |
||
+ | 3 forget-DV INF kiss-2s.obj |
||
+ | \trans He forgot to kiss you. |
||
+ | </gl> |
||
+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a weecaang o foon |
||
+ | \gll a weec-aa-ng o foon |
||
+ | 3 forget-DV-2s.obj INF kiss |
||
+ | \trans He forgot to kiss you. |
||
+ | </gl> |
||
+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a faaña o waraam |
||
+ | \gll a faañ-a o war-aam |
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+ | 3 refuse-DV INF kill-1s.obj |
||
+ | \trans He refused to kill me |
||
+ | </gl> |
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+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a faañaxam o waraam |
||
+ | \gll a faañ-a-xam o war |
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+ | 3 refuse-DV-1s.obj INF kill |
||
+ | \trans He refused to kill me |
||
+ | </gl> |
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+ | |||
+ | When two of these verbs are present followed by another verb, it is possible for the object pronoun to shift to any of them: |
||
+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a buga (o) waag o ñaamin |
||
+ | \gll a bug-a o waag o ñaam-in |
||
+ | 3 want-DV INF know.how INF eat-3s.obj |
||
+ | \trans He wants to know how to eat it. |
||
+ | </gl> |
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+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a buga (o) waagin o ñaam |
||
+ | \gll a bug-a o waag-in o ñaam |
||
+ | 3 want-DV INF know.how-3s.obj INF eat |
||
+ | \trans He wants to know how to eat it. |
||
+ | </gl> |
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+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | a bugaan o waag o ñaam |
||
+ | \gll a bug-aa-n o waag o ñaam |
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+ | 3 want-DV-3s.obj INF know.how INF eat |
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+ | \trans He wants to know how to eat it. |
||
</gl> |
</gl> |
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\gll no mbind n-e naf-t-ee-m |
\gll no mbind n-e naf-t-ee-m |
||
in house DET-DEF hit-APPL-PASS-1s |
in house DET-DEF hit-APPL-PASS-1s |
||
− | \trans |
+ | \trans In the house I was hit. |
+ | </gl> |
||
+ | |||
+ | |||
+ | Even the absence of the third person proclitic ''a='' is shared by both non-extraction and (non-subject) extraction forms of negative passive verbs, whereas in all active paradigms, the negative extraction form has ''a='' in contrast to the negative non-extraction form. |
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+ | |||
+ | Active negative focus construction, ungrammatical without ''a='' |
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+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | no mbind ne a falteeru 'in |
||
+ | \gll no mbind n-e a= fal-t-eer-u 'in |
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+ | in house DET-DEF 3 kick-APPL-NEG-FOC us |
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+ | \trans In the house he didn't kick us |
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+ | </gl> |
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+ | |||
+ | Passive negative focus construction, ungrammatical with ''a='' |
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+ | |||
+ | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
+ | no mbind ne falaand |
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+ | \gll no mbind n-e fal-aand |
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+ | in house DET-DEF kick-PASS.NEG(.FOC) |
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+ | \trans In the house he wasn't kicked |
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</gl> |
</gl> |
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| '''2''' || faloona || nu mbalna || '''2''' || faleeroona || nu mbaleerna |
| '''2''' || faloona || nu mbalna || '''2''' || faleeroona || nu mbaleerna |
||
|- |
|- |
||
− | | '''3''' || te falna || de |
+ | | '''3''' || te falna || de mbalna || '''3''' || te faleerna || de mbaleerna |
|- |
|- |
||
| '''S''' || falna || mbalna || '''S''' || faleerna || mbaleerna |
| '''S''' || falna || mbalna || '''S''' || faleerna || mbaleerna |
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|} |
|} |
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− | The future suffix ''-k'' is transparently related to the itive extension ''-ik''. However, the two suffixes are distinct. It is possible for them to co-occur |
+ | The future suffix ''-k'' is transparently related to the itive extension ''-ik''. However, the two suffixes are distinct. It is possible for them to co-occur. ''-''' cannot co-occur with either ''-k'' or ''-eeg''. |
− | |||
− | <gl fontsize=12> |
||
− | te xooy'ik maaga ayaagon ake |
||
− | \gll te xooy-'-ik m-aaga a-yaagon ak-e |
||
− | 3.sg call-PST-FUT there chameleons DET |
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− | \trans He went to call the chameleons there. |
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− | </gl> |
||
The past conditional suffix ''-k-eeg'' ("would have __") is composed of the future and past imperfect suffixes, but as its meaning is very much non-compositional given the meaning of these two suffixes, it would be possible to analyze ''-keeg'' as a single suffix. |
The past conditional suffix ''-k-eeg'' ("would have __") is composed of the future and past imperfect suffixes, but as its meaning is very much non-compositional given the meaning of these two suffixes, it would be possible to analyze ''-keeg'' as a single suffix. |
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In addition to the "tenses" described above, there are a number of complex TAM (tense, aspect, mood) constructions formed by the use of various auxiliaries, generally consisting of an auxiliary followed by a non-finite verb form. |
In addition to the "tenses" described above, there are a number of complex TAM (tense, aspect, mood) constructions formed by the use of various auxiliaries, generally consisting of an auxiliary followed by a non-finite verb form. |
||
− | === |
+ | ===The copula ''-xe''=== |
− | The copula <i>-xe</i> is inflected irregularly for subject agreement, and can take no other inflection. For the second singular, the forms <i>wexe</i> and <i>woxe</i> are in free variation, though <i>wexe</i> seems to occur much more frequently. |
+ | The copula <i>-xe</i> is inflected irregularly for subject agreement, and can take no other inflection. Unlike the agreement proclitics for main verbs, the agreement markers on ''-xe'' are synchronically best analyzed as prefixes, as they form a single stress-domain with their base, from which proclitics are excluded. Compare ''in= fí''' "I (str.) do" with ''ín-we'' "we are". In this second example, there is regular penultimate stress on the prefix, but in the first, penultimate stress is impossible, as the proclitic is excluded from the domain of stress assignment. For the second singular, the forms <i>wexe</i> and <i>woxe</i> are in free variation, though <i>wexe</i> seems to occur much more frequently. |
:{| class="wikitable" cellpadding="4" style="border: 1px solid black;" |
:{| class="wikitable" cellpadding="4" style="border: 1px solid black;" |
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! Gloss !! Sereer !! Gloss !! Sereer |
! Gloss !! Sereer !! Gloss !! Sereer |
||
|- |
|- |
||
− | | 1SG || me |
+ | | 1SG || me-xe || 1PL || in-we |
|- |
|- |
||
− | | 2SG || we |
+ | | 2SG || we-xe / wo-xe|| 2PL || nun-we |
|- |
|- |
||
− | | 3SG || a |
+ | | 3SG || a-xe || 3PL || a-we |
|- |
|- |
||
|} |
|} |
||
+ | |||
− | These forms are historically derived from the combination of a free pronoun and a relative pronoun (thus, <i>i=nwe mbal-aa</i> 'we are kicking'). A vestige of this origin is the fact that the copula has a rarely encountered alternate form <i>xa/wa</i> (e.g. in the phrase <i>awa maa</i> 'they are fine'). There do not exist any other forms of the copula based on other forms of the relative pronoun (-<i>aaga</i>, -<i>eek</i>, etc.). |
||
+ | These forms are historically derived from the combination of a free pronoun and a relative operator (thus historically, *''in we mbal-aa'' "we who (are) kicking"). A vestige of this origin is the fact that the copula has a rarely encountered alternate form <i>xa/wa</i> (e.g. in the phrase <i>awa maa</i> "they are fine"). There do not exist any other forms of the copula based on other forms of the relative pronoun (-<i>aaga</i>, -<i>eek</i>, etc.). |
||
This copular verb can appear in a construction whereby a lexical verb form directly follows it. Most commonly, it is followed by a progressive participle, as shown in <glr id="eat.prog"/>. |
This copular verb can appear in a construction whereby a lexical verb form directly follows it. Most commonly, it is followed by a progressive participle, as shown in <glr id="eat.prog"/>. |
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</gl> |
</gl> |
||
− | However, it is also possible for finite verbs to occur in this position as seen in <glr id="eat.finite"/>, as well as with bare roots in clause-linking constructions, shown in <glr id="eat.bare"/>. These constructions cannot contain negation, because <i>xe</i> is a positive polarity auxiliary. |
||
+ | However, it is also possible for finite verbs to occur in this position as seen in <glr id="eat.finite"/>, as well as with bare roots in clause-linking constructions, shown in <glr id="eat.bare"/>. These constructions cannot contain negation, because <i>xe</i> is a positive polarity auxiliary. |
||
<gl id="eat.finite"fontsize=12> |
<gl id="eat.finite"fontsize=12> |
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| I did kick || kaam fal || We did kick || kaa i mbal |
| I did kick || kaam fal || We did kick || kaa i mbal |
||
|- |
|- |
||
− | | You (sg.) did kick || kaa o fal || You (pl.) did kick || kaa nu mbal |
+ | | You (sg.) did kick || kaa (o) fal || You (pl.) did kick || kaa nu mbal |
|- |
|- |
||
| He did kick || kaa te fal || They did kick || kaa de mbal |
| He did kick || kaa te fal || They did kick || kaa de mbal |
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==Verb Paradigm== |
==Verb Paradigm== |
||
+ | |||
+ | Full paradigms for the verb ''fal'' "kick" are given below in the perfect tense. The extraction forms given are for non-subject extraction— the subject extraction forms are simply the third person forms without the proclitic ''a=''. The relativized third person forms are those used in object relativization ("the man '''that he kicked'''")— the subject relativization forms ("the man '''that kicked'''") simply lack the proclitic ''te= / de=''. |
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+ | |||
:{| style="border-collapse: collapse; border: 1px solid #000" cellpadding="4" |
:{| style="border-collapse: collapse; border: 1px solid #000" cellpadding="4" |
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| |
| |
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+ | faleema |
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− | ? |
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| |
| |
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+ | falee'oona |
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− | ? |
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| |
| |
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| |
| |
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+ | i mbaleena |
||
− | ? |
||
| |
| |
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+ | nu mbaleena |
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− | ? |
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| |
| |
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+ | falaan(d) |
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− | ? |
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| |
| |
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| |
| |
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+ | falaan(d) |
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− | ? |
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|- |
|- |
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| |
| |
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+ | falaandeema |
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− | ? |
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| |
| |
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+ | falaandeena |
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− | ? |
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| |
| |
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| |
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+ | i mbalaandeena |
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− | ? |
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+ | nu mbalaandeena |
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− | ? |
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| |
| |
Latest revision as of 20:54, 21 April 2014
Verbs in Sereer are inflected for person and number agreement, negation, tense and aspect, and a number of other categories. Inflectional morphemes are strictly ordered as follows:
Auxiliary |
Subject clitic |
ROOT |
Extensions |
Tense |
Past imperfect |
Conditional "if" |
Negation |
Finiteness |
Object |
Subject |
Relativization | ||
Subject Marking
Sereer verbs agree in person and number with their subject. The language exhibits three subject agreement patterns, the use of which depends on morphological factors discussed below. In addition to these suffixes and clitics, number agreement is indicated by initial consonant mutation, with unmutated verb forms agreeing with singular subjects, and nasal grade verb forms agreeing with plural subjects.
Basic marking
Basic subject marking: Gloss Sereer Gloss Sereer 1SG -(u)m 1PL i= 2SG -(o) 2PL nu= 3SG a= 3PL a=
The vowels of the 1st and 2nd singular subject suffixes are assimilated to a preceding vowel (specifically the 'default vowel' -a and the passive -e), yielding a long vowel.
Strong marking
The set of "strong" subject markers is used in contexts such as subordinate clauses, relative clauses, and switch-referent situations.
"Strong" subject marking: Gloss Sereer Gloss Sereer 1SG in/=n, (u)m 1PL i= 2SG o= 2PL nu= 3SG te= 3PL de=
The third person strong clitics te= and de= can optionally co-occur with the basic third person clitic a=, though this configuration surfaces relatively infrequently.
<gl fontsize=12> bugaam te (a) ñaam \gll bug-aa-m te= a= ñaam want-DV-1s 3s 3s eat \trans I want him to eat. </gl>
The two first person singular strong clitics are semantically equivalent, and used in free variation. The free allomorph m of um is notable for being the only syllabic nasal in the language.
<gl fontsize=12> a buga (u)m ret \gll a bug-a (u)m ret 3 want-DV 1s go \trans He wants me to go. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> (u)m yer? \gll (u)m yer 1s drink \trans Can I drink? </gl>
The allomorph =n of in is not syllabic, and is enclitic on an immediately preceding vowel-final word.
<gl fontsize=12> a bugan ret \gll a bug-a=n ret 3 want-DV=1s go \trans He wants me to go. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> in ret a bugu \gll in ret a bug-u 1s go 3 want-FOC \trans He wants me to go. </gl>
Mixed marking
A third pattern of subject agreement is used with the conditional -ang, as well as constructions with the auxiliaries xan, fat, and bar. This third pattern is termed "mixed" as it makes use of agreement clitics taken from both of the other two agreement patterns. Note the absence of any overt marker for the first person singular.
Mixed subject marking: Gloss Sereer Gloss Sereer 1SG Ø 1PL i= 2SG o= 2PL nu= 3SG a= 3PL a=
Negation
Negation is expressed by verbal suffixes of the form -ee(r), -i(r), -ii. These allomorphs are not strictly phonologically conditioned. The negative suffix appears closer to the root than subject or object marking suffixes. The negative marker co-occurring with the singular subject agreement morphemes are given below. The third person agreement proclitic a= does not appear with negative verbs, unless the verb is also inflected for extraction or conditionality (see below). In all cases, the plural forms of negative-marked verbs differ from the third person singular only in the agreement proclitic (for 1st and 2nd pl.), and initial consonant mutation.
Negative marking: Gloss Sereer 1SG -ii-m 2SG -ir-o 3SG -ee(r)
Finiteness
Verb forms are either finite or non-finite. A verb form is finite if it contains one of four morphemes: the "default vowel" -a, the extraction marker -u, the passive suffix -e, or the negative suffix -eer (or any of their allomorphs). The "default vowel" (glossed DV) appears in a variety of finite verb forms, and caries no consistent semantic information other than finiteness. It has an allomorph -aa when immediately preceding a vowel-intial suffix (specifically -um "1s subject", -o "2s subject -in "3s object", and ong "2s object"), due to the assimilation of these vowels to the preceding -a.
Non-finite forms
There are two types of non-finite verb forms; infinitives and progressive participles. The infinitive is the bare verb stem. The progressive participle is formed by affixing the suffix -aa (glossed PROG) to the stem, though when co-occuring with an object marker, the allomorph -a appears. Though object, passive, tense, and aspect suffixes can appear on the both types of non-finite verbs, subject agreement suffixes cannot, nor can they inflect for negation. Subject agreement proclitics (both basic and strong) can occur on non-finite forms, for example in subordinate clauses. Non-finite forms always exhibit initial consonant mutation to agree with their subject, if one exists. Non-finite verb forms can serve as the subject or object of clauses. They are often preceded by the non-finite particle o (glossed INF), though not obligatorily.
<gl fontsize=12> a mbar-a (o) maafir \gll a mbar-a o maaf-ir 3 must.pl-DV INF fall-RECIP \trans They had to wrestle </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> bugaam o jawaa maalo \gll bug-aa-m o jaw-aa maalo want-DV-1s INF cook-PROG rice \trans I want to be cooking rice OR I like cooking rice </gl>
Non-finite forms with strong agreement
Non-finite verb forms can appear with the strong agreement clitics...
Non-finite forms with mixed agreement
Non-finite forms are used with the mixed agreement pattern to indicate...
Imperative
Imperative forms exist for second person adressees only. The singular imperative is formed with the suffix -i, and the plural imperative with the suffixes -y-o. Note that object markers intervene between the suffixes -y and -o.
Imperative marking: Gloss Sereer 2SG -i 2PL -y-o
The forms discussed so far are given below for the verb fal "kick."
kick Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falaam i mbala 1 faliim i mbalee(r) 2 falaa nu mbala 2 faliro nu mbalee(r) 3 a fala a mbala 3 falee(r) mbalee(r) Infinitive fal mbal Prog. Part. falaa mbalaa Imperative fali mbalyo
Object Marking
Incorporated object pronouns ("object markers") exist as suffixes for singular objects. These suffixes directly precede the subject suffix, if one present.
The first person singular object marker is -aam after a consonant and -xam after a vowel.
kick me Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 — — 1 — — 2 falaxamo nu mbalaxam 2 faliraamo nu mbaliraam 3 a falaxam a mbalaxam 3 faliraam mbaliraam Infinitive falaam mbalaam Prog. Part. falaxam mbalaxam Imperative falaam mbalyaamo
The second person singular object marker is -(o)ng. The form that appears with a 1st singular subject and 2nd singular object (-aaxong) is idiosyncratic.
kick you Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falaaxong i mbalaang 1 falirong i mbalirang 2 — — 2 — — 3 a falaang a mbalaang 3 falirang mbalirang Infinitive falong mbalong Prog. Part. falang mbalang Imperative — —
The third person singular object marker is -(i)n. Note the allomorphs of the imperative suffixes that occur when alongside this object marker.
kick him Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falaanum i mbalaan 1 falinum i mbaliran 2 falaano nu mbalaan 2 falino nu mbaliran 3 a falaan a mbalaan 3 faliran mbaliran Infinitive falin mbalin Prog. Part. falan mbalan Imperative faleen (mbalyeeno)
Free Object Pronouns
Free pronouns exist in addition to the incorporated object pronouns (object markers) discussed above.
Free object pronouns: Gloss Sereer Gloss Sereer 1SG mi' 1PL 'in(o) 2SG wo' 2PL nuun 3SG ten 3PL den(o)
These free pronouns can be used in either object or subject position. When used as a subject, they do not take the place of the subject agreement clitic or suffix, as these are truly agreement markers. When used as an object, these free pronouns do take the place of the object markers, as the object markers are truly incorporated pronouns. Use of a free pronoun is the only way to express a plural pronominal object. For singular objects, if there is only one object, the object suffix must be used. When there are multiple singular objects, one must be represented as an object suffix and the rest must be free pronouns.
Reflexives
Reflexivity is indicated by use of the noun xoox (sg.) a qoox (pl.) "head/self," along with the appropriate possessor (possessive adjective for a singular participant, free pronoun in genitive position for a plural participant). It is in general preceded by the animate object marking preposition a.
Reflexive pronouns: Gloss Sereer Gloss Sereer 1SG xoox es 1PL a qoox 'in 2SG xoox of 2PL a qoox nuun 3SG xoox um 3PL a qoox den
Position of object pronouns
In complex clauses, such as those involving the verb bug "want" or ɓaat "do again," the object pronoun, whether incorporated (object marker), or free, can appear on (after) either the higher or lower verb. The former configuration (on/after the higher verb) is generally preferred, despite the fact that the object is truly that of the lower verb.
<gl fontsize=12> bugaam o warong \gll bug-aa-m o war-ong want-DV-1s INF kill-2s.obj \trans I want to kill you. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> bugaaxong o war \gll bug-aaxong o war want-DV.1s.sub+2s.obj INF kill \trans I want to kill you. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> ɓaataa (o) foon a 'in \gll ɓaat-a-o o foon a 'in add-DV-2s INF kiss OBJ 1p \trans You kiss us again. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> ɓaataa (a) 'in o foon \gll ɓaat-a-o (a) 'in o foon add-DV-2s obj 1pl INF kiss \trans You kiss us again. </gl>
This pattern of "object shift" is also attested with the verbs faañ 'refuse', weec 'forget', and waag 'know how to, be able to'. Examples are shown below:
<gl fontsize=12> a waaga o ñaamin \gll a waag-a o ñaam-in 3 know.how-DV INF eat-3s.obj \trans He knows how to eat it. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> a waagaan o ñaam \gll a waag-aa-n o ñaam 3 know.how-DV-3s.obj INF eat \trans He knows how to eat it. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> a weeca (o) foonong \gll a weec-a o foon-ong 3 forget-DV INF kiss-2s.obj \trans He forgot to kiss you. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> a weecaang o foon \gll a weec-aa-ng o foon 3 forget-DV-2s.obj INF kiss \trans He forgot to kiss you. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> a faaña o waraam \gll a faañ-a o war-aam 3 refuse-DV INF kill-1s.obj \trans He refused to kill me </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> a faañaxam o waraam \gll a faañ-a-xam o war 3 refuse-DV-1s.obj INF kill \trans He refused to kill me </gl>
When two of these verbs are present followed by another verb, it is possible for the object pronoun to shift to any of them:
<gl fontsize=12> a buga (o) waag o ñaamin \gll a bug-a o waag o ñaam-in 3 want-DV INF know.how INF eat-3s.obj \trans He wants to know how to eat it. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> a buga (o) waagin o ñaam \gll a bug-a o waag-in o ñaam 3 want-DV INF know.how-3s.obj INF eat \trans He wants to know how to eat it. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> a bugaan o waag o ñaam \gll a bug-aa-n o waag o ñaam 3 want-DV-3s.obj INF know.how INF eat \trans He wants to know how to eat it. </gl>
Focus extraction marking
In cases of focus extraction, different forms of the verb appear. These are marked by the suffix -u, which has a zero allomorph when preceding a vowel-initial suffix. This suffix -u takes the place of the default vowel -a. In addition to subject marking, these extraction forms of the verb can include negative marking and object marking. In cases of subject extraction, the verb shows no agreement affixes (though it does exhibit the proper mutation for number agreement). The rows marked with "S" in the paradigms below indicate these subject-extraction forms. When some other element is extracted, the verb does exhibit subject agreement. Note that non-finite forms cannot take extraction morphology.
kick (w/ extraction) Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falum i mbalu 1 faleerum i mbaleeru 2 falo nu mbalu 2 faleero nu mbaleeru 3 a falu a mbalu 3 a faleeru a mbaleeru S falu mbalu S faleeru mbaleeru
kick me (w/ extraction) Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 — — 1 — — 2 falaxamo nu mbalaxam 2 faleeraxamo nu mbaleeraxam 3 a falaxam a mbalaxam 3 a faleeraxam a mbaleeraxam S falaxam mbalaxam S faleeraxam mbaleeraxam
kick you (w/ extraction) Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falong i mbalong 1 faleerong i mbaleerong 2 — — 2 — — 3 a falong a mbalong 3 a faleerong a mbaleerong S falong mbalong S faleerong mbalelerong
kick him (w/ extraction) Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falanum i mbalun 1 faleeranum i mbaleerun 2 falano nu mbalun 2 faleerano nu mbaleerun 3 a falun a mbalun 3 a faleerun a mbaleerun S falun mbalun S faleerun mbaleerun
Passive
The passive forms of the verb are formed with the suffix -(e)e. The passive infinitive if marked by the suffix -el, and the passive progressive participle by -eel. Object markers cannot appear on passive forms of the verb. Any object that is present must be expressed as a free pronoun or NP. Negative forms of passive verbs take the suffix -aand, which co-occurs with the passive suffix only in first and second singular forms. When the suffix -aand appears word finally, it generally appears as the allomorph -aan, though -aand is marginally acceptable word-finally.
kick Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 faleem i mbale 1 falaandeem i mbalaan(d) 2 falee nu mbale 2 falaandee nu mbalaan(d) 3 a fale a mbale 3 falaan(d) mbalaan(d) Infinitive falel mbalel Prog. Part. faleel mbaleel Imperative — —
There are no imperative passive forms. To express an imperative passive meaning, the auxiliary fat must be used.
<gl fontsize=12> fat o nafel \gll fat o= naf-el OBLIG 2s hit-PASS.INF \trans Get hit! ("You must be hit") </gl>
Passive forms can appear in cases of focus extraction, but exhibit no distinct marking compared to the non-extraction forms.
(non-extracted)
<gl fontsize=12> nafteem no mbind ne \gll naf-t-ee-m no mbind n-e hit-APPL-PASS-1s in house DET-DEF \trans I was hit in the house. </gl>
(extracted)
<gl fontsize=12> no mbind ne nafteem \gll no mbind n-e naf-t-ee-m in house DET-DEF hit-APPL-PASS-1s \trans In the house I was hit. </gl>
Even the absence of the third person proclitic a= is shared by both non-extraction and (non-subject) extraction forms of negative passive verbs, whereas in all active paradigms, the negative extraction form has a= in contrast to the negative non-extraction form.
Active negative focus construction, ungrammatical without a=
<gl fontsize=12> no mbind ne a falteeru 'in \gll no mbind n-e a= fal-t-eer-u 'in in house DET-DEF 3 kick-APPL-NEG-FOC us \trans In the house he didn't kick us </gl>
Passive negative focus construction, ungrammatical with a=
<gl fontsize=12> no mbind ne falaand \gll no mbind n-e fal-aand in house DET-DEF kick-PASS.NEG(.FOC) \trans In the house he wasn't kicked </gl>
Relative marking
Relative Clauses include relativized forms of the verb, marked with the suffix -(ii)(n)a. This suffix combines with subject and object markers very idiosyncratically. These relative forms appear in two principle contexts: relative clauses, and following y- words (e.g. ye, ya, yaaga) "when/while." In a subject-headed relative clause (e.g. 'the man that kicked'), no subject agreement is present. These forms are given in the tables below in the rows marked "S".
that (__) kick(s) Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 faluuma i mbalna 1 faleeruuma i mbaleerna 2 faloona nu mbalna 2 faleeroona nu mbaleerna 3 te falna de mbalna 3 te faleerna de mbaleerna S falna mbalna S faleerna mbaleerna
Relative verb forms including object markers are given below:
that/when (__) kick(s) me Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 — — 1 — — 2 falaxoona nu mbalaxama 2 (faleeraxoona) (nu mbaleeraxama) 3 te falaxama de mbalaxama 3 (te faleeraxama) (de mbaleeraxama) S falaxama mbalaxama S faleeraxama mbaleeraxama
that/when (__) kick(s) you Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 in faloonga i mbaloonga 1 (in faleeroonga) (i mbaleeroonga) 2 — — 2 — — 3 te faloonga de mbaloonga 3 (te faleeroonga) (de mbaleeroonga) S faloonga mbaloonga S faleeroonga mbaleeroonga
that/when (__) kick(s) him Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falanuuma i mbaluuna 1 (faleeranuuma) (i mbaleeruuna) 2 falanoona nu mbaluuna 2 (faleeranoona) (nu mbaleeruuna) 3 te faluuna de mbaluuna 3 (te faleeruuna) (de mbaleeruuna) S faluuna mbaluuna S faleeruuna mbaleeruuna
Passive verb forms can also be relativized.
that/when (__) am/are/is kicked Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 faleema i mbaleena 1 falaandeema i mbalaandeena 2 falee'oona nu mbaleena 2 falaandeena nu mbalaandeena 3 te faleena de mbaleena 3 te falaandeena de mbalaandeena S faleena mbaleena S falaandeena mbalaandeena
The allomorph -iina of the relative suffix appears when co-occuring with the tense/aspect suffixes -' (past), -k (future), and -eeg (past imperfect) (see below).
Conditional marking
The suffix -ang is used to express conditionality (o falanga "if you kick"). Conditional verbs take the "mixed" subject agreement pattern. These verb forms cannot appear in isolation, and require the presence of some other clause to indicate what happens if the condition is met.
if (__) kick(s) Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falanga i mbalanga 1 falangee i mbalangee 2 o falanga nu mbalanga 2 o falangee nu mbalangee 3 a falanga a mbalanga 3 a falangee a mbalangee
Conditional forms can appear with object marking:
if (__) kick(s) me Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 — — 1 — — 2 o falangaam nu mbalangaam 2 o falangiraam nu mbalangiraam 3 a falangaam a mbalangaam 3 a falangiraam a mbalangiraam
if (__) kick(s) you Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falangang i mbalangang 1 falangirang i mbalangirang 2 — — 2 — — 3 a falangang a mbalangang 3 a falangirang a mbalangirang
if (__) kick(s) him Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falangan i mbalangan 1 falangiran i mbalangiran 2 o falangan nu mbalangan 2 o falangiran nu mbalangiran 3 a falangan a mbalangan 3 a falangiran a mbalangiran
And in the passive:
if (__) am/are/is kicked Positive sg. pl. Negative sg. pl. 1 falangee i mbalangee 1 falangaan(d) i mbalangaan(d) 2 o falangee nu mbalangee 2 o falangaan(d) nu mbalangaan(d) 3 a falangee a mbalangee 3 a falangaan(d) a mbalangaan(d)
Note that without negation, the conditional passive paradigm is homophonous with the conditional active negative paradigm.
Tense and aspect
All examples given thus far have been in a "default" tense and aspect, marked by the suffix -a. The suffix -a is often interpreted as a present tense, perfective aspect, but when occurring with other tense and aspect auxiliaries and/or suffixes, these readings may be overwritten.
There are three tense/aspect suffixes which attach directly after the stem. All of the finite forms listed above can take these tense/aspect suffixes, as can the infinitive. The progressive participle cannot take these suffixes.
Tense/aspect suffixes: Gloss Sereer Past -' Future -k Past imperfect -eeg Past conditional -k-eeg
The future suffix -k is transparently related to the itive extension -ik. However, the two suffixes are distinct. It is possible for them to co-occur. -' cannot co-occur with either -k or -eeg.
The past conditional suffix -k-eeg ("would have __") is composed of the future and past imperfect suffixes, but as its meaning is very much non-compositional given the meaning of these two suffixes, it would be possible to analyze -keeg as a single suffix.
<gl fontsize=12> ret'angee maaga, xonkeegaam \gll ret-'-ang-ee m-aaga xon-keeg-aa-m go-PST-if-NEG there die-PST.COND-DV-1s \trans If I hadn't gone there, I would have died. </gl>
The precise semantics of these tense/aspect affixes is discussed in Tense and Aspect. The first person singular forms of fal "kick" are given below with each of these tense/aspect suffixes:
Basic subject marking: Gloss Sereer I kicked fal'aam I will kick falkaam I was kicking faleegaam I would have kicked falkeegaam
When appearing on an infinitive verb form, the final tense/aspect suffix exhibits an allomorph with an extra vowel: -'u, -ik, -eegu. The u present in these allomorphs is not to be confused with the extraction marker -u.
Infinitive forms with tense/aspect marking: Gloss Sereer to have kicked fal'u to go kick falik to have been kicking faleegu to have gone to kick fal'ik
Complex Constructions
In addition to the "tenses" described above, there are a number of complex TAM (tense, aspect, mood) constructions formed by the use of various auxiliaries, generally consisting of an auxiliary followed by a non-finite verb form.
The copula -xe
The copula -xe is inflected irregularly for subject agreement, and can take no other inflection. Unlike the agreement proclitics for main verbs, the agreement markers on -xe are synchronically best analyzed as prefixes, as they form a single stress-domain with their base, from which proclitics are excluded. Compare in= fí' "I (str.) do" with ín-we "we are". In this second example, there is regular penultimate stress on the prefix, but in the first, penultimate stress is impossible, as the proclitic is excluded from the domain of stress assignment. For the second singular, the forms wexe and woxe are in free variation, though wexe seems to occur much more frequently.
The copula -xe: Gloss Sereer Gloss Sereer 1SG me-xe 1PL in-we 2SG we-xe / wo-xe 2PL nun-we 3SG a-xe 3PL a-we
These forms are historically derived from the combination of a free pronoun and a relative operator (thus historically, *in we mbal-aa "we who (are) kicking"). A vestige of this origin is the fact that the copula has a rarely encountered alternate form xa/wa (e.g. in the phrase awa maa "they are fine"). There do not exist any other forms of the copula based on other forms of the relative pronoun (-aaga, -eek, etc.).
This copular verb can appear in a construction whereby a lexical verb form directly follows it. Most commonly, it is followed by a progressive participle, as shown in <glr id="eat.prog"/>.
<gl id="eat.prog"fontsize=12> mexe ñaamaa maalo \gll me= xe ñaam -aa 1s= COP eat -PROG \trans I am eating. (101) </gl>
However, it is also possible for finite verbs to occur in this position as seen in <glr id="eat.finite"/>, as well as with bare roots in clause-linking constructions, shown in <glr id="eat.bare"/>. These constructions cannot contain negation, because xe is a positive polarity auxiliary.
<gl id="eat.finite"fontsize=12> wil es axe ɓalga xaye \gll wil es a= xe ɓalig -a xaye hair 3POSS 3= COP be.black -DV today \trans My hair is black today. (269) </gl>
<gl id="eat.bare"fontsize=12> axe moof \gll a= xe moof 3= COP be.seated \trans He is seated. (310a) </gl>
Furthermore, this finite main verbs can be in the past progressive suffix, as shown in <glr id="eat.pst.prog"/>. No other tense/aspect affixes, the past tense -' or the future tense -ik can appear on a verb in this construction. It is likely that the acceptability of xe with the past progressive is because of its aspectual content, in spite of its tense marking.
<gl id="eat.pst.prog"fontsize=12> axe jaweega \gll a= xe jaw -eeg -a 3= COP cook -P.IMP -DV \trans He was cooking. (140) </gl>
Most constructions that contain xe are translated as semantically equivalent to their unmarked counterparts. However, complex constructions have shown that ………
The auxiliaries xan, fat, and bar
The auxiliaries xan (future), fat (obligation), and bar (prohibition) occur with any non-finite verb form. These constructions make use of "mixed" subject agreement marking pattern.
xan
The auxiliary xan is used to indicate future tense. The semantic distinctions between xan and the tense/aspect suffix -k are discussed in Tense and Aspect.
<gl fontsize=12> xan o moof \gll xan o= moof FUT 2s sit \trans You will sit. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> xan nu ngimaa \gll xan nu= ngim-aa FUT 2p sing.pl-PROG \trans You all will be singing. </gl>
There exists an optional variant xam when agreeing with a first person singular subject, though this is dispreferred to xan.
<gl fontsize=12> xam/xan ga'in \gll xam/xan ga'-in FUT see-3s.obj \trans I'll see him. </gl>
fat
The auxiliary fat is used to express obligation.
<gl fontsize=12> fat o ret \gll fat o= ret OBLIG 2s go \trans You have to go. </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> fat i njaw-aa \gll fat i= njaw OBLIG 1p cook.pl \trans We have to be cooking. </gl>
bar
The auxiliary bar is used to express prohibition. It can occur with any subject, but is most commonly found with second person subjects.
<gl fontsize=12> bar o nafan \gll bar o= naf-a-n PROHIB 2s hit-PROG-3s.obj \trans Don't be hitting him! </gl>
<gl fontsize=12> bar i ndet \gll bar i= ndet PROHIB 1p go.pl \trans Let's not go. </gl>
With a second singular subject, an optional abbreviated form exists in which the final r of the auxiliary and the clitic o is omitted.
<gl fontsize=12> ba lool \gll ba lool OBLIG.2s cry \trans Don't cry! </gl>
The auxiliary kaa
The auxiliary kaa (glossed VFM, see kaa) is used in combination with any non-finite verb form along with the strong agreement pattern. A sample paradigm with a bare infinitive is given below:
Kaa focus construction: Gloss Sereer Gloss Sereer I did kick kaam fal We did kick kaa i mbal You (sg.) did kick kaa (o) fal You (pl.) did kick kaa nu mbal He did kick kaa te fal They did kick kaa de mbal
This construction expresses verum focus. For more information regarding the semantics of this construction, see Extraction or Focus.
<gl id="ex1" fontsize=12> kaa te garaa \gll kaa te gar-aa VFM 3s come-PROG \trans He is coming. </gl>
The first person singular form, kaam is slightly idiosyncratic, but can be though of as a contraction of kaa m, the expected form.
<gl id="ex1" fontsize=12> kaam doxin'u a Samba oxeɗ \gll kaa=m doxin-'u a Samba o-xed VFM=1s lend-PST OBJ Samba ring \trans I did give Samba a ring. </gl>
The auxiliary naa
The auxiliary naa (glossed FIN) is used in conjunction with a progressive participle in environments of extraction. Essentially, its sole purpose is to contribute finiteness, so that the non-finite progressive participle may appear in these situations.
It is used in any position in which a relative form of a verb can appear.
<gl id="ex1" fontsize=12> okoor oxe naa nafang \gll o-koor ox-e naa naf-a-ng man DET-DEF FIN hit-PROG-2s.obj \trans The man who is hitting you </gl>
<gl id="ex1" fontsize=12> ke naa jangneel a refa... \gll k-e naa jangn-eel a ref-a THING-DEF FIN teach-PASS.PROG 3 be-DV \trans What is being taught is... </gl>
Use of this construction is the only way to express a progressive meaning in a relative clause. Thus, the above two examples can be thought of as progressive versions of the following two examples:
<gl id="ex1" fontsize=12> okoor oxe nafoonga \gll o-koor ox-e naf-oong-a man DET-DEF hit-2s.obj-REL \trans The man who hit you </gl>
<gl id="ex1" fontsize=12> ke jangneena a refa... \gll k-e jangn-ee-na a ref-a THING-DEF teach-PASS-REL 3 be-DV \trans What is taught is... </gl>
It appears also in cases of focus extraction:
<gl id="ex1" fontsize=12> wo' fo mi' naa ñaamaa \wo' fo mi' naa ñaam-aa you and I FIN eat-PROG \trans It's you and I who are eating. </gl>
Including questions:
<gl id="ex1" fontsize=12> 'an naa ñaamaa \gll 'an naa ñaam-aa who FIN eat-PROG \trans Who is eating? </gl>
Verb Paradigm
Full paradigms for the verb fal "kick" are given below in the perfect tense. The extraction forms given are for non-subject extraction— the subject extraction forms are simply the third person forms without the proclitic a=. The relativized third person forms are those used in object relativization ("the man that he kicked")— the subject relativization forms ("the man that kicked") simply lack the proclitic te= / de=.
"Kick", perfect tense, no object 1st singular 2nd singular 3rd singular 1st plural 2nd plural 3rd plural defaultfalaam
fala
a fala
i mbala
nu mbala
a mbala
extractedfalum
falo
a falu
i mbalu
nu mbalu
a mbalu
conditionalfalanga
o falanga
a falanga
i mbalanga
nu mbalanga
a mbalanga
relativefaluuma
faloona
te falna
i mbalna
nu mbalna
de mbalna
default neg.faliim
faliro
falee(r)
i mbalee(r)
nu mbalee(r)
mbalee(r)
extracted neg.faleerum
faleero
a faleeru
i mbaleeru
nu mbaleeru
a mbaleeru
conditional neg.falangee
o falangee
a falangee
i mbalangee
nu mbalangee
a mbalangee
relative neg.faleeruuma
faleeroona
te faleerna
i mbaleerna
nu mbaleerna
de mbaleerna
infinitivefal mbal prog. part.falaa mbalaa imperativefali falyo
"Kick me", perfect tense 1st singular 2nd singular 3rd singular 1st plural 2nd plural 3rd plural default— falaxamo
a falaxam
— nu mbalaxam
a mbalaxam
extracted— falaxamo
a falaxam
— nu mbalaxam
a mbalaxam
conditional— o falangaam
a falangaam
— nu mbalangaam
a mbalangaam
relative— falaxoona
te falaxama
— nu mbalaxama
de mbalaxama
default neg.— faliraamo
faliraam
— nu mbaliraam
a mbaliraam
extracted neg.— faleeraxamo
a faleeraxam
— nu mbaleeraxam
a mbaleeraxam
conditional neg.— o falangiraam
a falangiraam
— nu mbalangiraam
a mbalangiraam
relative neg.— (faleeraxoona)
te faleeraxama
— nu mbaleeraxama
de mbaleeraxama
infinitivefalaam mbalaam prog. part.falaxam mbalaxam imperativefalaam mbalyaamo
"Kick you", perfect tense 1st singular 2nd singular 3rd singular 1st plural 2nd plural 3rd plural defaultfalaaxong
— a falaang
i mbalaang
— a mbalaang
extractedfalong
— a falong
i mbalong
— a mbalong
conditionalfalangang
— a falangang
i mbalangang
— a mbalangang
relativein faloonga
— te faloonga
i mbaloonga
— de mbaloonga
default neg.falirong
— falirang
i mbalirang
— mbalirang
extracted neg.faleerong
— a faleerong
i mbaleerong
— a mbaleerong
conditional neg.falangirang
— a falangirang
i mbalangirang
— a mbalangirang
relative neg.in faleeroonga
— te faleeroonga
i mbaleeroonga
— de mbaleeroonga
infinitivefalong mbalong prog. part.falang mbalang imperative— —
"Kick him", perfect tense 1st singular 2nd singular 3rd singular 1st plural 2nd plural 3rd plural defaultfalaanum
falaano
a falaan
i mbalaan
nu mbalaan
a mbalaan
extractedfalanum
falano
a falun
i mbalun
nu mbalun
a mbalun
conditionalfalangan
o falangan
a falangan
i mbalangan
nu mbalangan
a mbalangan
relativefalanuuma
falanoona
te faluuna
i mbaluuna
nu mbaluuna
de mbaluuna
default neg.falinum
falino
faliran
i mbaliran
nu mbaliran
mbaliran
extracted neg.faleeranum
faleerano
a faleerun
i mbaleerun
nu mbaleerun
a mbaleerun
conditional neg.falangiran
o falangiran
a falangiran
i mbalangiran
nu mbalangiran
a mbalangiran
relative neg.(faleeranuuma)
(faleeranoona)
te faleeruuna
(i mbaleeruuna)
(nu mbaleeruuna)
de mbaleeruuna
infinitivefalin mbalin prog. part.falan mbalan imperativefaleen (mbalyeeno)
"Be kicked", perfect tense 1st singular 2nd singular 3rd singular 1st plural 2nd plural 3rd plural defaultfaleem
falee
a fale
i mbale
nu mbale
a mbale
extractedfaleem
falee
a fale
i mbale
nu mbale
a mbale
conditionalfalangee
o falangee
a falangee
i mbalangee
nu mbalangee
a mbalangee
relativefaleema
falee'oona
te faleena
i mbaleena
nu mbaleena
de mbaleena
default neg.falaandeem
falaandee
falaan(d)
i mbalaan(d)
nu mbalaan(d)
mbalaan(d)
extracted neg.falaandeem
falaandee
falaan(d)
i mbalaan(d)
nu mbalaan(d)
falaan(d)
conditional neg.falangaan(d)
o falangaan(d)
a falangaan(d)
i mbalangaan(d)
nu mbalangaan(d)
a mbalangaan(d)
relative neg.falaandeema
falaandeena
te falaandeena
i mbalaandeena
nu mbalaandeena
de mbalaandeena
infinitivefalel mbalel prog. part.faleel mbaleel imperative— —